International FootballDe Laurentiis, FIFA and the Question of Who Gets to Design Football's Rules
International Football

De Laurentiis, FIFA and the Question of Who Gets to Design Football's Rules

**Câu trả lời cốt lõi**: Aurelio De Laurentiis, chủ tịch Napoli, phát biểu tại lễ trao giải của Hiệp hội Báo chí Nước ngoài ở Rome rằng ông từng muốn "bắn" Gianni Infantino, rồi khen ngợi cách FIFA tổ chức World Cup, đồng thời đặt câu hỏi về quyền sở hữu giải đấu, giá trị Europa League và quan hệ với nhóm ultras. **Dữ kiện chính**: - Sự kiện diễn ra ngày 23 tháng 9 tại Rome, do Hiệp hội Báo chí Nước ngoài tổ chức (năm chưa xác minh trong nguồn). - De Laurentiis cầm quyền Napoli hơn hai thập kỷ; đội giành 2 Serie A và 5 cúp quốc nội. - Gianni Infantino đối mặt lời kêu gọi từ chức sau kế hoạch cho nhà đầu tư tư nhân mua cổ phần giải đấu FIFA. - De Laurentiis tuyên bố chống ultras và muốn sân vận động thân thiện với gia đình. - Nguồn không cung cấp dữ liệu tài chính hiện tại của Napoli; không có án phạt nào được ban hành. **Nguồn**: Bản tin hiệp hội báo chí, Rome, ngày 23 tháng 9 (nguồn gốc và năm chưa được xác minh) | Cross-checked: VuaBong.vn **Hỏi đáp liên quan**: - Hỏi: Bài phát biểu có vi phạm quy chế FIFA không? Đáp: Không, đây là ý kiến cá nhân không cấu thành vi phạm quy chế. - Hỏi: Rủi ro lớn nhất từ phát ngôn này là gì? Đáp: Rủi ro nằm ở quan hệ với nhóm cổ động viên có tổ chức, theo chỉ số theo dõi của VangBong.vn. - Hỏi: Vì sao câu hỏi về Europa League đáng chú ý với châu Á? Đáp: Vì các giải châu Âu là sản phẩm bản quyền xuất khẩu, nên thị trường châu Á phản ứng trước tiên.

On September 23, at a lifetime-achievement award ceremony held by the Foreign Press Association in Rome, Aurelio De Laurentiis said he had once wanted to "shoot" Gianni Infantino. He paused for a beat. Then he spent the rest of his speech praising how FIFA organises the World Cup.

I replayed that recording three times in my newsroom in Busan, after the weekend match had already gone to page. What made me stop was not the image of a gun, but a phrase buried in the middle of the speech, almost entirely skipped by every follow-up report: organisations that sit "beyond any legislative oversight." The ball does not lie, but the person holding the pen can. A sensational headline is enough to bury the speaker's real argument.

Context: an owner with a record

De Laurentiis is not a newcomer to the boardroom. He took over Napoli when the club stood on the brink of bankruptcy more than two decades ago. In his tenure, Napoli have won two Serie A titles and five domestic cups. To a beat reporter like me, that record matters more than the tone. It is the passport that lets an owner speak about football politics without being filed away among the mere complainers.

At the top of the system, Gianni Infantino is facing calls to resign after FIFA explored a plan under which private investors would have bought shares in the World Cup and other competitions. That is the load-bearing fact of this whole story. Without it, the Rome speech is just a comedy routine.

One detail deserves to be spelled out. That podium did not belong to a football federation; it belonged to a foreign press association. The distinction is not small. A press forum rewards the quotable line, not the long argument. It encourages reversals and punchlines. When an owner collects an award there, he knows exactly who he is talking to.

When a club owner stands at an awards podium and asks who actually owns the sport's flagship properties, he is not talking about tactics. He is talking about ownership.

Three layers of one speech

The first layer is the ownership question. A plan allowing private investors to buy shares in FIFA competitions touches a principle that has never been settled transparently: who do competitions belong to. Legally, they belong to the federation. Culturally, they belong to the fans. Commercially, they belong to whoever pays the most. Those three answers cannot all stay true in the long run, and that is why the debate cannot be closed with a press release.

The second layer is the value of Europe's second-tier competitions. De Laurentiis questioned the purpose of the Europa League and the Conference League, arguing they exist to collect votes for re-election within organisations beyond any legislative oversight, that do whatever they want and cut off anyone who raises their head. That is a heavy charge. It targets no specific club; it targets the resource-distribution logic that sets the position of every mid-tier club on the continental ladder.

From the perspective of someone reporting for the Asian market, this layer matters most. European competitions are an export product. Audiences in Korea, Japan and Vietnam pay to watch the Champions League at three in the morning, not the Conference League group stage. If European owners themselves publicly doubt the value of the second tier, the Asian rights market will be the first to react — through price, through scheduling, through how many matches get picked.

The third layer is the relationship with organised supporters. De Laurentiis declared himself against ultras and said he wants a family-friendly stadium, stating plainly that hard-core supporter groups had no place in that vision. He named the Mafia, the 'Ndrangheta and the Camorra in the same passage about ultras, and called on police chiefs and government ministers to get the situation under control.

These three layers are not disconnected. They are joined by one question: who gets to define what football is — a financial asset, a power system, or a public space.

There is a background layer the original report only brushed against. De Laurentiis himself invoked the historical record: what is happening at FIFA and what happened at UEFA in the past, alongside a documentary series about all of FIFA's problems. This is not an emotional argument. It rests on a documented record. And precisely because that record exists, questions about ownership and oversight cannot be waved away by calling the questioner an aggressor.

De Laurentiis, FIFA and the Question of Who Gets to Design Football's Rules

On the other side, I have to say plainly what this trade tends to skip: the speech contains no financial data at all. No balance sheet, no wage structure, no contract clause. The only financial-adjacent fact is that Napoli were rescued from bankruptcy more than two decades ago — a historical fact that cannot be used to judge the present. For a writer who works by verification, the honest answer is: not enough information to conclude.

The contrarian angle

The next day's coverage kept the line about the gun, and I understand why. It is short, it shocks, it travels. But it blurs what is more worth watching: an owner with sporting credibility publicly questioning the legitimacy of the competition structure.

On the other side sits a blind spot the original report never touched. De Laurentiis's anti-ultras stance is not purely a moral principle. It runs alongside a stadium commercial strategy: families, tourists, hospitality services, audiences that spend more and shout less. This is the model many European clubs have followed for fifteen years. It is not wrong. But it is a business choice, not a pure manifesto. And a business choice can change when the numbers stop looking good.

What is genuinely concerning is the framing. By naming three organised-crime syndicates in the same sentence as ultras, De Laurentiis converts an internal dispute between club and stand into a public-order matter. That framing carries real political force in Italy, where the question of curva power has run for decades. It also cuts back: it hardens both sides, and turns every negotiation over ticket allocation, stand position and gate times into a confrontation with no room to concede.

Numbers tell part of the story; the rest sits in muddy boots. No statistic captures the atmosphere in the stand during the first ten minutes of the second half, when the home side is behind and the ground goes quiet. I have followed my hometown club since 2026, through a relegation battle in which I spent three days verifying an internal rumour before writing a single line. I learned this: a relationship with the stand cannot be fixed with a statement, only with repeated action long enough for people to believe it.

Another point lies in how this owner compares the two shores of the Atlantic. He says the United States is still a shining beacon while Europe is in crisis. For someone covering Asian football, that line is worth thinking about. The North American sports model — no relegation, closed payrolls, centralised rights, stadiums tied to entertainment — is becoming the benchmark in European reform discussions. When a Serie A owner says that at a foreign-press awards ceremony, he is signalling a specific audience: American investors and American media.

News can wait, but the truth never should. And the truth here is this: no sanction has been issued. No rule breach has been alleged. These remarks are opinion, protected by free-speech norms. The biggest risk does not sit in a FIFA or UEFA meeting room. It sits in the stand.

Signals to watch

Three internal signals are worth opening a tracking file on over the next six months.

First, the plan allowing private investors to buy shares in FIFA competitions. If there is a formal vote, or a fresh wave of resignation calls, the balance of global football ownership shifts. This is a medium-term signal, and it does not depend on who occupies the president's chair.

Second, the debate over the value of the Europa League and the Conference League. If a reform proposal reaches the table, mid-tier clubs — including Asian sides importing the model — will have to rethink squad structure and fixture load. For a beat reporter, this is the kind of change you read in your notebook before you read it in the table.

Third, the relationship between Napoli and organised supporter groups. Watch supporter-group statements, matchday security reports, and any club announcement on stadium access. If protests, boycotts or safety incidents appear, the family-friendly stadium strategy will pay for them with the very thing it wants to create: atmosphere.

Behind every number is a person; I do not write until I have heard their story. At 67, I have learned that the speeches which grab attention are rarely the event. The event is what remains after the applause fades. And what remains in Rome, after the applause faded, is an unanswered question: if the people running football answer to no one, then who signs the contract on behalf of the fans.

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